The Wild Colonial Boy
James Chard arrived in the colony of Victoria on January 13th 1848, landing in the whaling outpost of Belfast. |
The port of Fairy and the township of Belfast - 1856 and beyond Belfast at this time is perhaps best envisaged through the eyes of Australia's most popular artist of the day - Samuel Thomas Gill. In the sketch depicting it's environs Gill's central focus is the four room timber house (with fence) constructed by John Griffiths in 1837. Ideally located on the banks of the Moyne River, it was the first substantial timber residence in the settlement. Three other landmarks are conspicuous on the horizon. Annotated number one is the first wind-driven flour mill – also built by John Griffiths in 1848. Situated on very open and windswept land, this wooden structure had a short lifespan, being superseded within a decade by a bluestone steam driven version, courtesy of the largess of Dr Alexander Russell. On the far river bank and diagonally opposite the Griffith residence is Douglas House (annotated number two); a building constructed by the settlement's first medical practitioner Andrew W. Hume in 1852. Used as his consulting rooms and dispensary, it also doubled as the post office due to the fact that Hume was also the settlement's Post Master. Hume tragically died on a voyage to London in 1854 and Douglas House became the property of Rutledge & Co. who used it as a warehouse until the company's demise. Bell & Co. then took ownership and restored it as Port Fairy's Post Office before transforming it into a boarding house by the turn of the century. The third landmark of note (annotated number three) is St John’s Church of England. This depiction by Gill is unique as it is the only image of the original small wooden structure built in 1850 from the plans and specifications prepared by the Rev. Yelverton Wilson. Like the Griffiths mill, Belfast's harsh salty conditions very quickly decayed the timbers necessitating a rebuild in bluestone in 1854.
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THE FORTUNATE RUTLEDGE ENCOUNTER It was into this environment that James Chard, together with the flock of Tasmanian sheep he had tended during the Bass Strait crossing, set foot on mainland Australia for the first time. This was most likely a defining moment for James as he and Captain Campbell handed responsibility of the sheep to Rutledge, the stock agent. As heavily laden ships were arriving daily, the busy merchant was in need of a good labourer – particularly one accustomed to handling livestock. Captain Campbell’s positive recommendation could have been a contributing influence as well. Of prime importance to the 18 year old Devonshire lad was that he had employment and a base from which to begin building a new life. William Rutledge, like his father and grandfather before him, was a keen lover of horses [6] being a breeder of thoroughbreds, Clydesdales and Shetland ponies. This passion was shared with another grazier and neighbour, Dr Alexander Russell. A Scotsman from Glasgow, Russell had first come to Australia on board HMS Trinidad as the ship’s surgeon in 1841. Upon his return to Scotland he married and set his plans in place for a return to Australia with his wife. On board HMS Palmyra as ship’s superintendent Russell landed [7] at Geelong in 1848. Here he formed Russell & Co. [8] and set up an Apothecaries Hall with a Dr Foster Shaw. By 1849 he had moved further west into the Portland Bay hinterland becoming squire [9] of the Mahwallock estate. Here Russell’s sheep would have grazed next to those of Rutledge’s at Farnham. Russell’s particular equine interest [11] was breeding steeplechasers. For James Chard, work for Rutledge & Co. in 1849/50 would have been onerous, yet interesting. The mercantile company - using their own ships and wharf - exported wool, tallow and gold (after 1852) to England. In return, they imported a wide variety of goods for the colonists. Locally, carters like James Chard, were employed to carry goods to merchants in tiny settlements as far away as Portland, Hamilton, Warrnambool and Ballarat. So powerful was the company’s control over the region that it issued its own notes and tokens [6] for trading purposes and facilitated credit (in lieu of an established bank). Immediately before gold was discovered, William Rutledge - in oriental terms - would have been called “Tai Pan.” Everything changed in the second half of 1851. Once word had spread of the untold wealth buried underground, able-bodied men from all parts of the colony, and the world, descended upon the diggings. |
The Lure of GOLD !!
On the 24th of August, 1851, two men, James Reagan and John Dunlop, discovered what was to become the richest goldfield the world has ever known. The site, just north of Buninyong on a bend of a creek, was an area the aborigines called "Ballaarat". Other discoveries quickly followed at Mount Alexander (Castlemaine), Daylesford, Creswick, Maryborough, Bendigo and McIvor (Heathcote). St Arnaud, Landsborough, Mafeking, Ararat, Deep Lead and Pleasant Creek (Stawell). By the end of the year news of the discovery had filtered back to London and other European centres. If, prior to this time, Port Phillip was struggling to attract immigrant workers, by mid to late 1852 this was certainly not the case. Those previously reluctant to turn the soil to plant crops soon became fervent “diggers” of a different kind (as shown here in the sketch) [10]. |
Most of these men had no mining experience, few personal possessions and barely enough money for their grub stake. James Chard was one of these men. No doubt Rutledge was angered by his staff’s ‘en masse’ withdrawal but he was hardly in a position to do much about it considering his own brother William had sailed off [11] to the Californian diggings the previous year. Contrary to the romantic notions portrayed in the newspapers of the day, for the most part, mine pickings were slim and it didn’t take long for James Chard to realise [12] that he wasn’t suited to labouring underground. Instead he returned to Belfast and the employ of Rutledge & Co., taking up a cartage contract to haul provisions, particularly butter, cheese and eggs, to the miners. In these times cartage was undertaken using bullock wagons and the thoroughfares were nothing better than potholed cart tracks as sketched (right) for Illustrated Australian News of 1860. In his Reminiscences of the Early Days, published in the Terang Express newspaper [12] James Chard recalls that ‘providing weather conditions were favourable this journey would take three days over rough muddy terrain with some areas being notorious for gold-seeking bushrangers.’ Of one meeting with bushrangers James retold of how ‘during a return journey from Ballarat at a place called Ross Bridge on the Mortlake road up past Lake Bolac, I was set upon by bandits.I had only a few loose notes and some silver in my pocket, the bulk of my money being carried in a bag which I dropped in the muddy wheel track of the wagon. When the bandits approached closely I backed the wagon over the money bag. After searching the wagon and finding nothing the bandits fled with the contents of my pockets and my watch.’ Lucky to have escaped with his life and his bag of money, James continued to make subsequent trips without incident or mishap. This anecdote had an interesting footnote as James, passing a Ballarat pawnbroker’s window some months after the holdup, happened upon his favourite time-piece, having recognized it by unique etchings on the backing plate. The watch was immediately redeemed and remained in his possession as a treasured “lucky charm” until he passed away in 1924. Ownership of the 1850 Rotherham timepiece (pictured above) passed to his second son, also James Atkins Chard, then upon his death to his only son Fred. Today the watch, which has little but sentimental value, remains the keepsake of James’ proud great grandson. |
JAMES CHARD'S MENTOR: Dr Alexander Russell (1816-1867) On completion of the carting contract, James Chard again found himself at a cross-road. His benefactor Rutledge was downsizing his business interests in Belfast preferring instead to concentrate on new opportunities in the Lady Bay district. At this time James sought a position with Dr Alexander Russell who was aware of his skill with livestock, and, in particular, horses. Little did he know it but when James took up employment with Russell in 1852, it was the making of a man and his reputation. Not only was Russell an eminent surgeon but he was also Belfast’s only veterinary consultant with a particular interest in breeding thoroughbred coursing horses. It was reported [13] that “he owned an outstanding jumper called Surplice, which won the steeplechase at the 1854 Belfast Christmas Race meeting.” Under Dr Russell’s tutelage, James quickly learnt the value of horses to the squatter and pastoralist, and at the cost of £50-60 a head (approximately half a year's wages [14] for a labourer), the importance of keeping these beasts fit and healthy. |
DR ALEXANDER RUSSELL - Surgeon and Accoucheur
The title denoting an eminent surgeon is an anachronism in Alexander Russell's case. For he was to the colonists and settlers of Belfast and Warrnambool a truly "common" man. Schooled and trained in Glasgow by the "elite" of medical practitioners, he quickly cut his teeth on basic medicine (c.f Accoucheur, meaning midwifery) during his two trans Atlantic crossings. Granted a licence to practice by the Port Phillip Medical Board in 1849, Russell established consultancies and dispensaries in Belfast and Warrnambool (as this advertisement in The Melbourne Argus of 15 May 1849 [15] shows), and continued ministering to man (and beast) until 1857. It was at this time that he entered politics becoming the MLA for the Villiers-Heytesbury county in the “Heales” ministry. This National Trust photograph (left, circa 1910) shows Russell's Apothecaries Hall in Cox Street Belfast. It was one of the first stone structures built in the settlement and was the home and surgery of Captain John Baird, the Belfast garrison doctor. In 1849 the building was purchased by Russell and Co. and whilst remaining the only surgery in the settlement, it also became the district's veterinary consultancy and apothecary. The dispensary sold [14] drugs, perfumery, toilet requisites and patent medicines. |
During the short time James worked at the Apothecaries Hall he witnessed many remarkable transformations in the tiny Belfast town. By 1852 [16] the first newspaper – a four page flier called the Gazette – had been launched. The first Roman Catholic Church was completed, the Anglicans had their own resident priest and school (for 100 children) and the Presbyterians were preparing to build their place of worship. New shops, stores and houses were being erected and the small community was serviced by a branch of the Savings Bank. Other noted additions included a Benevolent Society and a Cricket Club. As his first real mentor, and having no children [17] of his own, Dr Alexander Russell was perfectly placed to influence and guide the 23 year old James. Later to become the local Member in the Legislative Assembly, Dr Russell was a well liked member of the community and a widely regarded consultant and respected advocate of the squatting land-owners. Noted amongst these were Thomas Manifold (Grassmere Run from 1843), John Allan (Allansford), Neil Black (Lake Tarrang / Glenormiston Dairy Run and Timboon Heifer Run from 1839), John Thomson (station at Lake Kielambete from 1840) and Mark Nicholson (dairy runs covering Yallock, Panmure and Russell's Creek from 1845). |
A MAN OF VISION - Charles Joseph La Trobe (1801-1875) By 1853 Belfast’s surrounding districts were being opened up at a rapid rate. Governor Charles La Trobe's ambition of establishing a deep water harbour and settlement at Lady Bay (Warrnambool) was progressing, albeit slowly, and land further east that included Russell's Creek, Panmure, Yallock (later named Garvoc), Lake Tarrang (later Terang), Lake Kielambete was keenly sought. When his employer Russell entered politics [17], James Chard, with a little money in his pocket, set out to make his own mark on the landscape. Before any farming or effective grazing could be considered on this fertile land, an extensive amount of clearing needed to be undertaken. The slashing of dense scrub and the grubbing of trees was extremely hard work but there was good money to be made for those willing to bend their backs. Work had commenced at Mark Nicholson’s Yallock run back in the early 50's and some small dairy farming lease-holds had been established. One of these called Dairy Bank [12], was managed by William and Bridget Spall [18], a couple with whom James Chard had become friendly in Belfast. In the English tenant share farming style, the Spalls worked a herd of cows along with Charles and Carol Grayland [19] and John and Maria Rugman [20]. Living conditions were tough and there were few basic necessities. Raising a young family, as the Graylands and Rugmans did was a feat in itself as there was ever-present danger. As James reminisces [12], ‘it was aboriginal country; they used to camp in their hundreds in and around the Yallock. People's lives were often at risk so the 'devil devil', as the ‘blacks’ called the gun, was always kept close at hand.’ Despite all the hardships and danger, for James Chard this was the first time since being forcibly removed from the Devonshire countryside that he was able to experience the joy of “family” through the toils of communal farming. When the lease on Dairy Bank expired late in 1854, none of the partners were sorry. For the Grayland and Rugman families, eager to flee the constant harassment from the ‘blacks’, a venture further east to the Camperdown/Colac district was desirable. For the Spalls and James Chard, a return to any form of civilization was most welcome. |
BELFAST BECOMES PORT FAIRY - Officially
Belfast’s mercantile traders were devastated when, in 1877, their nearest competition in Portland was connected (via Hamilton and Ararat) to Victoria’s rail network. The truth of the matter lay in the fact that the powerful wheat and wool lobby had won what had been a long and bitter battle in Parliament. It’s not that the beef and dairy producers of the county of Villiers weren’t adequately represented at the time. William Rutledge served two terms as a Member of the Legislative Assembly (1851 – 1854; 1856 – 1859) and Alexander Russell one (1859 – 1861). Both were strong advocates but in the end Portland’s deep water harbour was favoured. From this point in time the once bustling port town began to decline. Some might argue that its demise had actually started years earlier, with the disastrous collapse of the William Rutledge Trading Company in 1862. What had been regarded five years earlier as the most flourishing town in the new colony, Belfast had been dealt a paralysing blow. Rutledge however, whose primary financial concern had always been shipping, had shown considerable interest in the new settlement, Warrnambool as his larger trading vessels could anchor in the safety of the deeper waters of Lady Bay. For Belfast the ensuing twenty years were disastrous as all haulage of supplies had to be either shipped by lighter or carted overland by dray, a journey of some 40 miles in the case of Portland or less (but far more arduous) in the case of Warrnambool. It wasn't until 1887 - and then only by a special act [4] of parliament - that Belfast became Port Fairy. Politicians had been arguing (and procrastinating) for years over the most suitable rail route to service the Belfast Lough and the Moyne River Estuary and when the South West line (via Koroit) was finally opened in 1890 the more suitable and appropriate city name was ratified. As much as the merchants of Port Fairy were excited to finally have their railhead, the fact of the matter was that it was 10 years too late – for the once bustling trading port on the Moyne River had already begun to die. It took over 100 years for prosperity to return – in the form of tourism.
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